Background Information
Castro takes power in Cuba in the beginning of 1959. At that time, Eisenhower does not waste time at recognizing Castro as President of Cuba. That is, Eisenhower does not demonstrate any opposition to Castro as leader of Cuba, at least not publicly. However, 3 years later the American government becomes aware of a nuclear missile base under construction in Cuba, only 90 miles south of the Florida coast.
On October 26, 1962 following Kennedy's address to the nation in the heat of the Crisis, Castro writes a letter to Khrushchev sharing with him his own opinion about American intentions and the best course of action for the Soviets to take. Analyze Castro's view towards the United States according to his letter to Khrushchev in 1962 and his interview with American press editors in 1959. Carefully consider and analyze the relationship between Castro and Khrushchev according to the letter below.
On October 26, 1962 following Kennedy's address to the nation in the heat of the Crisis, Castro writes a letter to Khrushchev sharing with him his own opinion about American intentions and the best course of action for the Soviets to take. Analyze Castro's view towards the United States according to his letter to Khrushchev in 1962 and his interview with American press editors in 1959. Carefully consider and analyze the relationship between Castro and Khrushchev according to the letter below.
Primary Source Document - Fidel Castro's letter to Nikita Khrushchev regarding an aggressive offensive against the United States (26 October, 1962)
Dear Comrade Khrushchev:
Given the analysis of the situation and the reports which have reached us, [I] consider an attack to be almost imminent--within the next 24 to 72 hours. There are two possible variants: the first and most probable one is an air attack against certain objectives with the limited aim of destroying them; the second, and though less probable, still possible, is a full invasion. This would require a large force and is the most repugnant form of aggression, which might restrain them.
You can be sure that we will resist with determination, whatever the case. The Cuban people's morale is extremely high and the people will confront aggression heroically.
I would like to briefly express my own personal opinion.
If the second variant (option) takes place and the imperialists invade Cuba with the aim of occupying it, the dangers of their aggressive policy are so great that after such an invasion the Soviet Union must never allow circumstances in which the imperialists could carry out a nuclear first strike against it.
I tell you this because I believe that the imperialists' aggressiveness makes them extremely dangerous, and that if they manage to carry out an invasion of Cuba--a brutal act in violation of universal and moral law--then that would be the moment to eliminate this danger forever, in an act of the most legitimate self-defense. However harsh and terrible the solution, there would be no other.
This opinion is shaped by observing the development of their aggressive policy. The imperialists, without regard for world opinion and against laws and principles, have blockaded the seas, violated our air-space, and are preparing to invade, while at the same time blocking any possibility of negotiation, even though they understand the gravity of the problem.
I convey to you the infinite gratitude and recognition of the Cuban people to the Soviet people, who have been so generous and fraternal, along with our profound gratitude and admiration to you personally. We wish you success with the enormous task and great responsibilities which are in your hands.
Fraternally,
Fidel Castro
Given the analysis of the situation and the reports which have reached us, [I] consider an attack to be almost imminent--within the next 24 to 72 hours. There are two possible variants: the first and most probable one is an air attack against certain objectives with the limited aim of destroying them; the second, and though less probable, still possible, is a full invasion. This would require a large force and is the most repugnant form of aggression, which might restrain them.
You can be sure that we will resist with determination, whatever the case. The Cuban people's morale is extremely high and the people will confront aggression heroically.
I would like to briefly express my own personal opinion.
If the second variant (option) takes place and the imperialists invade Cuba with the aim of occupying it, the dangers of their aggressive policy are so great that after such an invasion the Soviet Union must never allow circumstances in which the imperialists could carry out a nuclear first strike against it.
I tell you this because I believe that the imperialists' aggressiveness makes them extremely dangerous, and that if they manage to carry out an invasion of Cuba--a brutal act in violation of universal and moral law--then that would be the moment to eliminate this danger forever, in an act of the most legitimate self-defense. However harsh and terrible the solution, there would be no other.
This opinion is shaped by observing the development of their aggressive policy. The imperialists, without regard for world opinion and against laws and principles, have blockaded the seas, violated our air-space, and are preparing to invade, while at the same time blocking any possibility of negotiation, even though they understand the gravity of the problem.
I convey to you the infinite gratitude and recognition of the Cuban people to the Soviet people, who have been so generous and fraternal, along with our profound gratitude and admiration to you personally. We wish you success with the enormous task and great responsibilities which are in your hands.
Fraternally,
Fidel Castro
Document Analysis Questions
- What did Castro mean when he said, "if they (U.S.) manage to carry out an invasion of Cuba--a brutal act in violation of universal and moral law--then that would be the moment to eliminate this danger forever"? What was Castro proposing Khrushchev do in the event the U.S. invade Cuba?
- What did Castro mean after the quote in #1 when he said, "an act of the most legitimate self-defense"?
- What is the relationship like between Castro and Khrushchev? How do you know from the text?
- What is Castro's view of the United States? What might cause him to feel this way?
Document Comparison - Primary Source #2 - In February 1959, two months after being elected, Castro gave an interview to members of the American Society of Newspaper Editors, an organization that represents the editors of U.S. newspapers. Below is an excerpt. (28 February 1959)
Question: What is your opinion of the U.S. foreign policy towards Cuba since you came?
Answer: I am not an American citizen. I have no right to speak about the political situation. But if you ask me about Cuba, I think now it is not a bad policy. This time I think the U.S. government sent a good Ambassador. Everybody says he is a good Ambassador and I feel the attitude is not against us politically. Really the official policies as I think now and observe is of friendship. Question: Can you estimate when the elections will be held? Answer: Yes, in about two years. People want this. Question: Do you have a plan to work with Eisenhower to solve any difficulties? Answer: As you know there are some interests of a few people, that are a small percentage of the U.S. . . . But really there are no serious difficulties. . . . I do say we are a small country and a small people working here too much to solve our difficulties. The U.S. is a big country and big people working to solve the difficulties. . . . Then I am here in my place, working in my small country and working for my small people, and we want to be in friendship with all the countries of America. If President Eisenhower has time—and if I have time, too, I would gladly speak with him as I speak with you and as I speak the same with the most small citizen and the most big citizen of the U.S. I would gladly salute and shake hands. |
Photo courtesy of thenewyorker.com
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Document Analysis Questions
- How did Castro's view of the U.S. change from the time of his election to the Cuban Missile Crisis?
- Is there anything in the text that perhaps suggests Castro doesn't change that much, that his views in 1959 and 1962 are relatively the same?
(Re)Sources Referenced
- "Castro and the United States | Stanford History Education Group." Castro and the United States | Stanford History Education Group. Stanford University, 1 Oct. 2014. Web. 3 Apr. 2015.
- "Cuban Missile Crisis." John F. Kennedy Presidential Library & Museum. John F. Kennedy Presidential Library & Museum, n.d. Web. 2 Apr. 2015.